Chișinăul pe care n-o să-l vedem niciodată

Mitropolitul Gavriil Bănulescu-Bodoni a fost nu numai un credincios slujitor al altarului, dar şi un mare om de stat.

Prin contribuţia lui directă, târgul de odinioară al Chişinăului a fost ales drept capitală a Basarabiei, având la acea vreme concurenţi mult mai evoluaţi edilitar: Dubăsarii în care existase deja o administraţie temporară, Orheiul care fusese un centru al provinciei dintre Prut şi Nistru, precum și Benderul care, fiind situat chiar pe malul Nistrului, avea şi cetate.

RAZĂ DE ILUMINARE CULTURALĂ ŞI SPIRITUALĂ

Primul periodic bisericesc din Basarabia, care a văzut lumina tiparului în perioada păstoririi arhiepiscopului Antonie Şokotov, este Chişiniovskie Eparhialnîe Vedomosti, organ oficial al eparhiei Chişinăului şi Hotinului din anul 1867, ediţie bilingvă, cu texte „în oglindă”, ruseşti şi româneşti. Apariţia bilingvă i-a fost însă de scurtă durată (până în anul 1871), fiind suprimată de succesorul lui Antonie, Pavel Lebedev, care a permis să apară doar versiunea rusească1.

Un loc distinct în istoria tiparului şi a presei periodice din Basarabia desigur o ocupă revista Luminătorul, organ oficial al eparhiei Chişinăului (1908-1944), „una dintre cele mai statornice reviste româneşti din Basarabia cu caracter religios şi moral, o tribună bisericească românească”2.
În perioada interbelică „presa bisericească din Basarabia n-a fost cu nimic mai prejos decât cea din vechea Românie sau din Transilvania”3. Aici amintim din nou revista Luminătorul, revista clerului basarabean, care şi-a continuat apariţia inclusiv până-n anul 1944, sub conducerea renumitului pr. Constantin Popovici.
O altă revistă bisericească, editată în acea perioadă a fost Misionarul – organul periodic lunar al Misiunii Ortodoxe Române, Secţia culturală a Consiliului Eparhial din Chişinău4. Primul număr al revistei a văzut lumina tiparului la 6 octombrie 1929, în preajma celui de al II-lea congres al misionarilor români cu omoforul Mitropolitului Basarabiei Gurie Grosu. Misionarul a avut ca scop primordial prezentarea materialului despre învăţătura şi dogma Bisericii Ortodoxe, precum şi diverse teme de ordin moral-spiritual şi educaţional. Am mai apărut şi altele: Însemnări creştine – revistă de orientări pastorale şi misionare (Bălţi, 1937-1940), Episcopia Hotinului – foaie oficială a acestei episcopii (Bălţi, 1926-1940) şi Biserica basarabeană, de aceeaşi eparhie (1942-1943), Buletinul Episcopiei Cetăţii Albe- Ismail (1923-1940 şi 1942- 1943), Raza – publicaţia „Uniunii clerului din Basarabia” de luptă şi atitudine românească 1931-1944), Studentul – revistă a Societăţii Culturale „Petru Movilă”, sub îngrijirea unui comitet de studenţi de la Facultatea de Teologie din Chişinău (1928-1933), continuată cu Gândul neamului (1933-1934) şi cu Tribuna tinerimii (1936-1938). Chiar şi elevii Seminarului Teologic îşi aveau publicaţiile lor: Limba noastră la Chişinău şi Luceafărul la Ismail, iar Liceul eparhial din Chişinău publica revista şcolară Ghiocelul – editată de Societatea Literară „Iulia Hasdeu”5.
În perioada interbelică mai remarcăm două reviste de mare prestigiu intelectual: Revista Societăţii Istorico-Arheologice Bisericeşti din Chişinău şi Arhivele Basarabiei.
Revista Societăţii Istorico-Arheologice
Bisericeşti din Chişinău a fost îngrijită şi publicată
de Societatea respectivă din 1909
până în 1939. Au apărut în total 24 de volume, extrem de valoroase, tratând un şir de probleme ale istoriei şi culturii românilor6. Arhivele Basarabiei a fost la sigur cea mai prodigioasă revistă de istorie şi geografie a Moldovei dintre Prut şi Nistru. A apărut între anii 1929-1938, sub conducerea prof. univ. Toma G. Bulat şi Constantin N. Tomescu. Majoritatea materialelor publicate: documente de arhivă referitoare la istoria Moldovei şi istoria religiei din ţinut, dispoziţii, hotărâri, scrisori şi declaraţii au ca autori diverse structuri de stat, dar şi persoane particulare7. Şi astăzi, mulţi cercetători ai trecutului pământului nostru folosesc Arhivele Basarabiei drept un izvor nesecat de informaţii şi documente, „privitoare la istoria Basarabiei şi a Bisericii româneşti de aici”8.
În anii `90, când societatea noastră a fost declarată democrată şi suverană, Bisericii Ortodoxe i s-a oferit posibilitatea să-şi rostească şi să promoveze dogma şi învăţătura sa nu numai de pe amvonul bisericesc, ci şi prin mass-media. În acest timp apar o serie de publicaţii bisericeşti: Datina Creştină, Curierul Ortodox, Alfa şi Omega. Primul număr al ziarul Curierul Ortodox a fost lansat în anul 1995. Este primul organ oficial al Mitropoliei Moldovei după 1990 şi trebuia să devină „un cristalizator în viaţa cotidiană a clerului şi credincioşilor, prin intermediul căruia s-ar putea face schimb de experienţă, de opinii cu privire la situaţia forurilor reprezentative ale clerului, obiectivele de iluminare şi creştinare a populaţiei din Republica Moldova; lupta, succesele obţinute împotriva curentelor, sectelor ce neagă rolul religiei şi al Bisericii etc.” (p. 53-54). Totodată, „ziarul urma să răspundă intereselor mai multor categorii de cititori, în paginile lui fiind publicate articole ce ţin de apărarea credinţei ortodoxe, de istoria, cultura noastră, de problemele cu care se confruntă societatea, materiale referitoare la educaţia religioasă în şcoală” (p. 55). Iniţial, ziarul apărea de două ori pe lună în limba română şi o dată pe lună în rusă. Începând cu 12 februarie 2002, apare şi varianta electronică a publicaţiei Curierul Ortodox: http://www.geocities.com/ cortodox.
Pe lângă activitatea publicistică, redacţia ziarului a organizat un şir de manifestări culturale şi educaţionale. Pe parcursul celor zece ani de activitate (1995-2005), Curierul Ortodox a desfăşurat o serie de concursuri pentru copii. În 1996, din iniţiativa ziarului a fost organizat, pentru prima dată în republica noastră, un concurs de desen pentru copii în ajunul Sfintelor Paşti, care s-a încheiat cu o frumoasă expoziţie la teatrul „Licurici” din capitală şi cu premierea laureaţilor (p. 69).
Redacţia a sprijinit şi a promovat ideea introducerii obiectului „Religie” în şcolile din republica noastră. În Curierul Ortodox a fost prezentă rubrica „Biserica şi şcoala”, unde au fost publicate 143 de articole în care era dezbătută problema instruirii religioase în şcoală (p. 73).
În prezent presa bisericească este în creştere, fiecare eparhie se bucură deja de ziarul său, iar unele protopopiate, parohii şi diverse asociaţii editează buletine informative.
Totuşi, presa religioasă rămâne „o specialitate pururea nouă şi neexplorată a mass-mediei, care se propune publicului, de cele mai multe ori, într-o formă autentică şi distantă de preocupările umane cotidiene. Despre receptivitatea şi sensibilitatea publicului la mesajele ei, putem concluziona după numărul de ziare, reviste, posturi media, existente în ţară. Existente – pentru că fără un public şi-ar pierde eficienţa, spre care e orientată comunicarea şi, respectiv, motivarea ei logică. Şi ca un mijloc de formare şi informare a opiniei publice, exercită un impact covârşitor asupra relaţiilor de interacţiune dintre societate şi Biserică. Cert este că în R. Moldova, la momentul actual, acest fel de presă se află încă la origini, din cauza barierelor impuse oportunităţii informaţiei bisericeşti în societatea „post-ateistă”, precum şi din cauza pierderii bazelor ei istorice”9. Lucrarea prezentată de noi, aici, a fost elaborată în cadrul secţiei „Istoria culturii” de la Institutul de Istorie, Stat şi Drept al Academiei de Ştiinţe a Moldovei. Recenzată de prot. dr. Pavel Borşevschi şi dr. Igor Cereteu, cartea are următoarea structură: Preliminarii (p. 5-6); Studiu introductiv (p. 7-81), Catalogul articolelor publicate în „Curierul Ortodox” în perioada 24 iunie 1995 – 16 iunie 2005 (p. 83-161), Catalogul articolelor publicate în suplimentul „Logos” – organul Asociaţiei Studenţilor Creştini Ortodocşi din Moldova (1997-2003) (p. 163-167), Bibliografie selectivă (p. 169-172), Anexă (p. 173-178) şi Indice de nume (p. 179-190).
Autorul cărţii, în acelaşi timp – redactor- şef al ziarului, dl Nicolae Fuştei, mărturiseşte că „deşi Curierul Ortodox a fost conceput ca organ de presă al Bisericii Ortodoxe din Moldova, totuşi trebuie să recunoaştem că publicistica ziarului nu s-a concentrat doar asupra problemelor de cult, or, tematica abordată în articole cuprinde un spectru larg de domenii. Drept argument pot servi accentele publicistice de manieră analitică sau critică cu privire la aşa aspecte ca morala, religia, relaţiile Bisericii cu Statul, Biserica şi şcoala, istoria şi cultura etc.” (p. 6).
Nicolae Fuştei este un neostenit savant şi cercetător al trecutului Basarabiei, slujitor „laic” al Bisericii lui Hristos şi dascăl al teologiei şi culturii româneşti. Prin numeroasele sale studii, publicate în volume personale sau colective, prin articole în cele mai prestigioase reviste de specialitate din ţară şi din străinătate, dl N. Fuştei aduce o contribuţie valoroasă în teologia ortodoxă, precum şi în disciplina istoriei medievale româneşti. Ţinuta sa academică şi totodată ascetică şi efortul conjugat pentru studiu au fost evidenţiate şi recunoscute de înalţi ierarhi, clerici, savanţi, studenţi şi oameni de rând.
1. Buzilă Boris. Din istoria vieţii bisericeşti din Basarabia. – Bucureşti: Ed. Fundaţiei Culturale Române, – Chişinău: Întreprinderea Editorial-Poligrafică Ştiinţa, 1996. – P. 49.
2. Matei Nina. Luminătorul // Chişinău. Enciclopedie. Editor Iu. Colesnic. – Chişinău: Ed. Museum, 1997. – P. 219.
3. Păcurariu Mircea. Basarabia, aspecte din istoria Bisericii şi a neamului românesc. – Iaşi: Ed. Trinitas, 1993. – P. 116.
4. Misionarul // Chişinău. Enciclopedie. Editor Iu. Colesnic. – Chişinău: Ed. Museum, 1997. – P. 313.
5. Păcurariu Mircea. Op. cit. – P. 116-117.
6. Dron Ion. Revista Societăţii Istorico-Arheologice Bisericeşti din Chişinău // Chişinău. Enciclopedie. Editor Iu. Colesnic. – Chişinău: Ed. Museum, 1997. – P. 399-400.
7. Şpac Ion. Arhivele Basarabiei // Chişinău. Enciclopedie. Editor Iu. Colesnic. – Chişinău: Ed. Museum, 1997. – P. 47.
8. Păcurariu Mircea. Op. cit. – P. 117.
9. Dodul Marcel. Presa religioasă: un domeniu neexplorat al mass-mediei // Orthodoxia. – An. I (2002). – Nr. 1. – P. 12.

Maxim MELINTI, magistru în istorie

PAGINI DIN ISTORIA REVISTEI ""LUMINATORUL" (1908-1918)

Aparitia revistei "Luminatorul" la inceputul anului 1908 o datoram acelui curent cultural-religios din randul clericilor basarabeni care si-au manifestat activismul lor social prin initierea unor actiuni culturale in interesul neamului romanesc din Basarabia. Bineinteles, toate aceste manifestari de spirit (pentru romanism) au fost determinate, in primul rand, de evenimentele ce s-au declansat in imperiu in anii 1905-1907. Nu mai putin important insa este si alt aspect al problemei, demn de retinut: manifestarile de spirit ale clerului basarabean la inceputul sec. XX n-au aparut "ad-hoc" pe fundalul evenimentelor im cauza. Acel curent cultutal-religios a fost o prezenta permanenta in Basarabia pe tot parcursul secolului anterior, al XIX-lea, impunandu-se in viata cultural-religioasa a tinutului chiar din momentul instrainarii, adica de la 1812. Explicatia poate fi gasita in faptul ca ruptura ce s-a produs in 1812 nu a fost doar una politica, geografica, istorica, ci a fost intai de toate o "ruptura" trecuta peste sufletele noastre (noi fiind rupti de la Sfanta Traditie a Bisericii neamului...). Impactul acelei rupturi mai persista si astazi in aceasta extremitate a romanismului estic (prin prezenta celor doua Biserici...). Pentru fiecare tiparitura aparuta aici cu buchie romaneasca s-a dus o lupta continua, si aceasta lupta a fost sustinuta mai intai de clerul basarabean, in acest context, am putea spune ca "Luminatorul" nu a fost doar un rod de consecinta a evenimentelor din Rusia de la inceputul sec. XX. Aparitia acestei reviste in "limba moldoveneasca" a fost pregatita de lucrarea misionara, nationala si religioasa infaptuita cu rabdare si discretie de generatii intregi de slujitori ai Bisericii neamului pe tot parcursul sec. al XIX-lea.
Referitor la anul de aparitie a revistei, este important sa relevam si un alt aspect (de detaliu) al problemei, care, de fapt, ne contureaza o imagine a unor realitati basarabene, nu mai mult... Deci, aparitia revistei catre anul 1908 a coincis (ironia soartei!) cu numirea
scaunul episcopal al eparhiei a unui "adept infocat" al politicii reactionare promovate de oficialitatile imperiale dupa evenimentele amintite. Este vorba de Serafim Ciceagov1. Dupa cum observa si Nicolae Popovschi, acesta, prin politica lui nesabuita, a adus Biserica din Basarabia la o completa descompunere, desbinare: se luptau intre ei clericii. Arhipastorul era pornit impotriva preotimii, multi rasboiau chiar si cu chiriarhul... Unii au ajuns cu jalbe tocmai in Sinodul din Petersburg2. Vom observa ca toate masurile intreprinse de chiriarh imediat dupa numirea sa la Chisinau (numit in 11 sept. 1908, sosit pe 28 oct. 1908) au fost indreptate spre o "restructurare", in fapt o subordonare, a institutiilor eparhiale direct sub controlul episcopului:
- A abrogat principiul eligibilitatii pentru functiile ce tineau de administrarea treburilor bisericesti Tn eparhie, Tn special a blagocinilor (Ukazul sinodal nr. 2361, februarie 1909).
- A insistat catre Sinod si a obtinut schimbari Tn programul de publicitate al buletinului eparhial - Kisinevschie EparchialnTe Vedomosti (noiembrie 1909).
- A supus unui control strict activitatea fabricii de lumanari, subminand astfel puterea financiara a clerului basarabean.
- A initiat o "revizie" minutioasa a Tipografiei Eparhiale catre luna decembrie anul 1909. Amintim Tn context ca tipografia abia Tsi reTncepusese activitatea Tn 26 octombrie 1906 (Ukazul sinodal nr. 1126 din 25 aprilie 1905) dupa o intrerupere de jumatate de veac3.
Si, nu in ultimul rand, episcopul Serafim Ciceagov a intervenit Tn activitatea "Luminatorului", pentru ca acolo activau, Tn opinia chiriarhului, unii preoti cu interese "separatiste", periculosi pentru linistea imparatie?.
Referitor la actiunile intreprinse in vederea organizarii revistei "Luminatorul", vom semnala lipsa materialului documentar in arhivele de la Chisinau, desi trebuie sa remarcam ca losif Parhomovici, in publicatiile din anii '30 ai sec. XX, facea referinta la un dosar imens din arhiva Consistoriului Duhovnicesc (peste 700 de pagini) pe anii 1905-1917, in care depistase si unele date referitoare la revista.
De obicei, referintele cercetarilor in aceasta privinta sunt facute in baza documentelor de "jurnal" ale congreselor eparhiale pe anii respectivi. Se sustine, intre altele, ca ideea crearii revistei aparuse in legatura cu necesitatea de "a lucra contra propagandei revolutionare in mijlocul armatelor, a lucratorilor si poporului". Anume la congresul
eparhial din 1905 s-a gasit ca e necesar de a edita un organ eparhial propriu "daca nu zilnic, cel putin saptamanal..."6, in context vom aminti si de articolul lui Gurie Grosu aparut catre luna aprilie 1907 in paginile revistei eparhiale, ce-i drept, Tn ruseste7. Ieromonahul Gurie contureaza o imagine a evenimentelor din istoricul Bisericii din principatul Moldovei la rascrucea anilor '60 ai secolului al XIX-lea. Textul ca atare necesita o lectura diferentiata, pentru a aprecia acel nivel de cunoastere, de confuzii chiar in aprecieri, cat si acele surprinzatoare metamorfoze, transformari, in raport cu cunoasterea obiectiva a unor realitati din istoria Bisericii neamului. Bineinteles ca Gurie, ca misionar eparhial la manastirea Noul-Neamt, cunostea arhiva ce se pastra acolo. Din cele expuse mai constatam ca, in 21 iunie 1860, ieromonahul Teofan Cristea a depus catre ministrul afacerilor externe Gorceakov, ober-procurorul Sfantului Sinod, un demers, copia caruia se pastreaza in arhivele manastirii8, in acel demers se indica unele masuri "necesare pentru apararea Bisericii pravoslavnice", in acest scop, "editarea unui jurnal duhovnicesc in limba moldoveneasca ar fi binevenit si de mult folos'6'. Or, o initiativa locala in vederea aparitiei unei reviste eparhiale ar fi persistat in mediul clerului basarabean mult mai inainte. De asemenea, misionarul Gurie considera ca marea majoritate a preotilor din eparhie, cu care se intalnise personal (in calitate de misionar eparhial a "vizitat multe parohii), impartaseau "aceeasi parere" referitor, la necesitatea unei reviste in limba "moldoveneasca", pentru ca in Basarabia, sustinea Gurie, "sunt inca multi preoti care nu cunosc limba rusa si chiar nu citesc nici Vedomosti Eparhiale'*0.
Cand, totusi, se realizeaza in fapt aceasta idee?
in lipsa materialului documentar in arhivele din Chisinau, informatiile cu privire la momentul de organizare a revistei mai pot fi reconstituite in baza a ceea ce a fost publicat Tn Buletinul Eparhiei Chisinaului pe anul 1907".
Catre congresul eparhial (sedinta din 20 septembrie) din 1907 a fost pregatit si prezentat un raport al "Comisieispeciale pentru alcatuirea unui program Tn vederea editarii jurnalului bisericesc in limba moldoveneasca, cat si alte probleme referitoare la editarea revistei'*2. Vom semnala de asemenea ca aceasta Comisie a fost creata in rezultatul unui raport special "scris" ceva mai inainte de ieromonahul
Gurie, dupa cum ne relateaza si I. Parhomovici. Raportul prezentat la congres a fost semnat de presedintele comisiei, protoiereul Constantin Popovici, si, respectiv, membrii acesteia: protoiereul M. Ciachir, l. Ignatovici, ieromonahul Gurie si parintele C. Parfentiev. in raport se sustinea ca "Din porunca Fratimii "Nasterea lui Hristos" si in baza raportului misionarului eparhial, ieromonahul Gurie, comisia speciala alcatuita din presedintele Constantin Popovici, membrii: protoiereul Nicolae Lascov, Mihail Ciachir, Iustin Ignatovici, parintele Macarie Untul, Constantin Parfentiev si misionarul eparhial Gurie au examinat programul propus spre atentia deputatilor in congresul din 1907 referitor la editarea unui jurnal bisericesc cu numele "Luminatorul'™. Programul prezentat era structurat pe cinci puncte:
1. In anii din urma, preotii parohiali au sesizat un interes deosebit pentru lectura printre enoriasii din eparhia Chisinaului, care sunt in marea majoritate moldoveni. Multi dintre ei si-au manifestat dorinta de a contribui cu anumite mijloace intru sustinerea editarii unei reviste "in moldoveneste". Un locuitor din satul Corjova deja a jertfit pentru revista 5 ruble. Acest interes pentru lectura ar trebui sa fie indestulat cu texte folositoare din izvorul curat al Bisericii; in acest sens, preotii sunt datori sa contribuie in masura posibilitatilor ca cei dornici de lectura sa fie feriti de influente nesanatoase.
2. Din numarul total de frati si calugari, in marea majoritate moldoveni, putini dintre ei cunosc adevaratele izvoare ale credintei; printre ieromonahi si calugari se gasesc dintre cei ce simt nevoia de a citi, insa nu au posibilitatea sa citeasca in "limba moldoveneasca". Un jurnal moral-duhovnicesc in limba moldoveneasca le-ar fi de mare folos.
3. Printre membrii clerului din eparhie se gasesc diaconi si dascali ce nu cunosc limba rusa, caror o revista in limba moldoveneasca le-ar face de asemenea mari servicii in privinta selectarii unor informatii ce tin de problemele credintei crestine, cat si despre evenimentele vietii bisericesti in general.
4. Pe viitor se prevad mari reforme in viata bisericeasca din Rusia, in special in administrarea vietii parohiale. Consideram necesar ca toti crestinii Bisericii Domnului sa cunoasca acest lucru din timp, pentru a avea posibilitatea sa fie pregatiti sa le accepte. O revista moldoveneasca ar contribui in mare masura.
Comisia are si onoarea de a informa: Pentru editarea revistei
"Luminatorul' (12 carti anual cu marimea de 5 coli fiecare, cate 1500 exemplare) este necesara suma de 3 000 ruble, in aceasta suma nu au fost incluse cheltuielile pentru hartie si tipar, pentru salarizarea redactorului, pentru onorariul colaboratorilor, nici pentru serviciile de posta Tn distribuirea revistei.
. 5. Pentru ca in bisericile din eparhia Chisinaului sunt lipsa cartile "Vietile sfintilor" in "limba moldoveneasca", procurarea acestora, ca supliment la revista, ar fi mult mai ieftina, deci, ar fi binevenit ca cei ce vor dispune de abonamente la revista "Luminatorul" sa primeasca anual cate un volum din "Vietile sfintilor"15. S-a calculat ca pentru editarea unui volum din "Vietile sfintilor" este nevoie de 1 000 ruble, iar pentru editarea revistei cu "adaosul" unei carti sunt necesare 4 000 ruble. Aceste cheltuieli usor vor fi acoperite daca revista va avea anual 1500 de abonati cu o plata de 4 ruble pe an. Cu exceptia bisericilor care vor primi revista obligatoriu, Comisia mai conteaza pe un anumit numar de cititori printre parohieni.
Editarea revistei s-ar putea face pe langa "Fratimea "Nasterea lui Hristos", cu un colegiu redactional deosebit, membrii si redactorii fiind alesi de congresul eparhial; anual vor depune catre congres rapoarte despre sumele cheltuite, in baza argumentelor expuse, Comisia roaga sa fie gasite mijloacele necesare pentru editarea revistei (cu anexa propusa), cat si aprobarea congresului eparhial pentru editare. Comisia mai considera ca la aceasta cauza sfanta ar putea contribui si manastirile din eparhie. Prea Sfintia Sa, Episcopul Vladimir, ar putea sa propuna staretilor de manastire sa ajute cu 2 000 ruble fiecare.
in aceeasi sedinta a mai fost discutat proiectul de program al revistei, alcatuit din 6 puncte. Conform acestuia, in revista urmau sa fie publicate:
1. Voroave originale, invataturi, cuvantari si predici ale preotilor parohi, texte traduse (din ruseste) considerate folositoare pentru viata morala a pastoritilor, de asemenea traduse si publicate cuvantarile chiriarhilor din eparhia Chisinaului;
2. Scrieri privind problematica dogmelor crestine, invataturile moral-religioase, ritualurile bisericesti;
3. Scrieri si studii despre specificul unor traditii locale, adunate de preoti din parohiile ce le au in supraveghere;
4. Documente referitoare la istoria bisericeasca a eparhiei Chisinaului.
5. Poezii cu continut moral-religios.
6. Stiri privitor la dispozitiile administratiei bisericesti si civile, hotarari ale adunarilor clerului, ale congreselor eparhiale.
La acest proiect de program mai era anexata o notita informativa, din care am extras pretul de abonament: pe un an - 4 ruble; pe 6 luni - 2 rub. 50 cop.; pe o luna - 60 cop.17.
Congresul eparhial a aprobat proiectul de program propus de Comisie, luand si o hotarare (din 4 puncte) cu prevederi speciale ce urmau sa fie respectate cu strictete. Hotararea congresului a fost intarita prin rezolutia episcopului Vladimir: "Nr. 5323, 22 septembrie 1907. Sunt intru totul de acord si impartasesc dorinta clerului de a avea o revista in limba moldoveneasca, insa nu pot sa oblig manastirile sa contribuie la aceasta cu anumite sume de bani. Am sa propun prin blagocini sa roage staretii de manastiri ca sa ia parte. Nadajduiesc ca vor ajuta cu anumite donatii, in masura posibilitatilor... Doar se stie ca veniturile multor manastiri abia de acopera cheltuielile de fiecare zi. De la manastirea Harjauca vor ajuta cu 200 ruble si de la mine personal - 100 ruble. Ep. Vladimir'™.
Societatea misionara "Nasterea lui Hristos", pe langa care urma sa apara revista, a intervenit cu un demers special catre Sinodul rusesc din Petersburg, acesta luand si o decizie de rigoare in 20 decembrie 1907 (nr. 15441). Textul acestui Ukaz prevedea "a se da dezlegare tiparirii pentru jurnalul cu numele "Luminatorul", in limba moldoveneasca, incepand cu anul 1908, prin Sfatul Fratimii "Nasterea lui Hristos" din Chisinau, dupa programul aratat, cu supravegherea cenzurei de catre protoiereul Spiridon Muranevici si cu numirea protoiereului Constantin Popovici si a ieromonahului Gurie ca redactori ai acestui jurnal'™.
Respectand acest program, revista va apare pana in 1918. Fiecare numar al ei era trecut prin cenzura oficiala cu o luna inainte de aparitie (data de 10 a fiecarei luni). Despre aceasta ne marturiseste textul imprimat pe coperta l, verso: "Cu dezlegarea spre t/paru cenzor protoiereul Spiridon Muranevici", apoi urma data de 10 a lunii respective20.
E demn de retinut ca, in primii ani de aparitie (1908-1909), colegiul redactional a reusit sa diversifice programul oficial al revistei. Meritul lor este cu atat mai insemnat, cu cat ei au reusit sa promoveze anumite interese ale Bisericii din Basarabia. Despre nucleul redactional al "Luminatorului" episcopul Serafim s-ar fi exprimat (public) ca era alcatuit dintr-o "banda de separatisti" in frunte cu misionarul eparhial Gurie, care, ulterior, printr-o directiva episcopala, a fost "retras" din functia de redactor si trimis sa-si indrepte "ostenelele carturaresti" si misionare intr-o gubernie ruseasca21.
incepand cu primele numere de revista, din ianuarie 1908 si pana in decembrie 1909, misionarul eparhial Gurie a reusit sa publice un numar impresionant de articole. Anume datorita lui au aparut materiale cu titlul rezumativ "Documente in limba moldoveneasca", fiind vorba despre documente din istoria Bisericii neamului de pana la 1812. Dupa 1909 fiind expulzat in Rusia, il regasim in paginile "Luminatorului" abia dupa 1911.
Evident, multe initiative manifestate de redactorii revistei nu erau pe placul chiriarhului. Cel de al doilea redactor, protoiereul Constantin Popovici, a fost poate mai abil in ceea ce a reusit sa faca, desi, fiind persecutat de Serafim Ciceagov, pana la urma se vede nevoit sa se retraga din serviciul de preot la catedrala.
Protoiereul Iustin Ignatovici a fost cel ce a avut misiunea sa traduca, sa supravegheze munca de tipar asupra cartilor "Vietile sfintilor" (prevazute sa apara in 12 volume, ca supliment la "Luminatorul"), o munca de durata, care solicita competenta si mult curaj. Tot din cauza unor represalii, dupa 1909 a fost nevoit sa se retraga la manastirea Curchi, unde s-a calugarit cu numele de Ignatie. A continuat insa si acolo lucrul de talmacire a cartilor din "Vietile sfintilor", care au continuat sa insoteasca anual revista "Luminatorul". A decedat in anul 1916, ianuarie 9 zile, dupa cum citim in numarul din februarie 1916 in necrologul scris, probabil, de un calugar de la manastire23.
Dupa anul 1910, in rezultatul actiunilor intreprinse de Ciceagov, revista isi continua aparitia doar in formula prevazuta de chiriarh.
in perioada anilor 1908-1918, in "Luminatorul" au fost publicate o serie de materiale referitoare la viata bisericeasca din eparhia Chisinaului si Hotinului, acestea in majoritate semnate de preoti de tara, dascali, preoti-blagocini, protoierei, autori de predici sau de texte traduse: Mitrofan Ignatiev, F. Frolov, D. Ciolan, Gri. Dumbrava, VI. Baltaga, T. Stavila. Se intalnesc si nume laice, de tarani, spre exemplu "Taranul F. Buruiana" (decembrie 1912). intre acesti autori il gasim si pe Alexei Mateevici, care semneaza sugestiv: "Student al Academiei din Kiev". Articolele poetului sunt valoroase pentru cititor in primul rand prin frumusetea graiului matern, apoi si pentru tematica lor (bunaoara, "Din viata primilor crestini" (1912, ne. 11, p. 56-70) sau "De unde vine numele Mantuitorului nostru - Craciunul" (1912, nr. 12, p. 70-72). Limba noastra, sustine poetul, s-a nascut odata cu increstinarea noastra, de aceea si are mai putine cuvinte pagane decat alte limbi.
Dupa 1916, in programul de activitate a "Luminatorului" se simte o anumita revigorare. Revista devine o publicatie cu insemnate merite in opera de redesteptare nationala a romanilor basarabeni. Numarul doritorilor de a se abona la ea creste considerabil, in dosarele de arhiva din Chisinau s-au conservat unele documente in aceasta privinta, in raportul catre Consistoriu al blagocinilor pe anul 1917, gasim ca din judetul Orhei (cercul 2) au fost expediati pentru revista bani in suma de 77 rub. 50 cop.; blagocinul de la Balti (cercul 2) a expediat 14 rub. 87 cop.; blagocinul din judetul Chisinau (cercul 4) -140 de ruble. Banii adunati la Consistoriu urmau sa fie transferati pe adresa redactiei "Luminatorul".
intre colaboratorii revistei pe anii 1908-1918, intalnim un anonim, care semna cu sigla ruseasca 'T. M." si care nu si-a descoperit niciodata numele. Speram ca pe viitor va fi identificat acest necunoscut colaborator fidel al revistei, care si-a adus ostenelile carturaresti la luminarea crestinilor basarabeni insetati de cuvantul evanghelic in graiul mostenit de la strabuni.
Vom remarca in chip deosebit ca toti acei preoti de tara, autori de texte (predici si traduceri), au aparat prin lucrarea lor misionara tezaurul cel mai de pret al neamului - credinta si graiul, desi graiul lor in aceasta "lature a Tarii" era conservat intr-o forma atat de arhaica (din sec. XVIII), cum de mult nu se mai vorbea in restul Tarii, la lasi sau Bucuresti. Meritul lor este insa cu atat mai insemnat, mai inaltator, pentru ca ei au incercat sa-l scoata din "negura uitarii" in care a fost impins de o stapanire straina. Poti crede chiar ca poetul A. Mateevici a zamislit nemuritorul sau poem despre grai, tesandu-i randurile din paginile "Luminatorului"...
Acest sir de preoti luminati, in acele conditii obscure, cu ravna
vrednica de pomenire au ostenit la altarul neamului, luminand sufletele intr-un secol de intuneric, de dominatie straina, reusind sa infiinteze un jurnal bisericesc ca "Luminatorul", care, pentru o perioada de lunga durata, a fost unica publicatie de limba romana in Basarabia. Numarul lor nu e mic, si asta ne bucura, dar si ne intristeaza deopotriva, pentru ca multi dintre ei inca raman necunoscuti, uitati in pagini de istorie ce abia urmeaza sa fie scrise... Deocamdata, cel putin sa-i pomenim ca pe niste patrioti ce si-au indeplinit sfanta datorie fata de neam, deci, fata de generatiile urmatoare, deci, si fata de noi, cei ce traim astazi...
NOTE
1. Episcopul Serafim Ciceagov a carmuit eparhia Chisinaului si a Hotinului timp de sase ani: 1908-1914.
2. Nicolae Popovschi, Istoria Bisericii din Basarabia in veacul al XIX-lea sub rusi, Chisinau, 1931, p. 285-296.
3. Arhiva Nationala a Republicii Moldova (in continuare ANRM), Fondul 208, inv. 4, dosar 3847, f. 160-164.
4. Boris Buzila, Din istoria vietii bisericesti din Basarabia, Editura Fundatiei Culturale Romane, Bucuresti, Editura Stiinta, Chisinau, 1996, p. 288.
5. Iosif Parhomovici, Episcopul Vladimir al Chisinaului (1904-1908), in RSIAB, voi. 18, a. 1928, p. 129-215.
6. Kisinevskie EparchialnTe Vedomosti (in continuare KEV), 1907, nr. 51-52, p. 20-25.
7. KEV, 1907, nr. 16, p. 555-558; vezi: Gurie Grosu
8. KEV, 1907, nr. 16, p. 556.
9. Ibidem.
10. Ibidem, p. 557.
KEV, 1907, nr. 51-52, p. 20-25. Ibidem, p. 20.
13. Iosif Parhomovici, op. cit, p. 129; KEV, 1907, nr. 51-52, p. 24.
14. KEV, 1907, nr. 51-52, p. 21.
15. Ibidem, p. 22.
16. Ibidem, p. 23.
17. Ibidem, p. 23-24.
KEV, 1907, nr. 32, p. 123, vezi: Jurnalul nr. 39. "Luminatorul", 1908, nr. 1, p. 2. Ibidem, colectiile anilor 1908-1918. Boris Buzila, op. cit, p. 288. "Luminatorul", 1911, nr. 4, p. 10-12.
23. Nicolae Popovschi considera gresit ca protoiereul Iustin Ignatovici a decedat la 1910. Vezi: N. Popovschi, op. cit, p. 264.
24. ANRM, Fondul 208, inv. 4, dosar 44871, f. 1-5.

Maria DANILOV
email: danilovmaria@yahoo.com

Fotografii din Basarabia interbelică

Trimise de către domnul Maurice Lenoir http://mlenoir.blogspot.com/

Monastery of Saint Parascheva (Hancu Monastery)

A few lines that highlight the over age fights along our historical becoming, illustrated by words of Kogalniceanu, named the first defender of our national interests; Kogalniceanu refers to princes of Moldavia that for the centuries led a spirited defense against constant Turkish invasions (safeguarding much of Western Europe):

“Many times defeated, many times conquered, but never broken down and never hopeless, they may use all the opportunities since 1366 until 1688 being all the time in defense. Mircea the Old, Vlad the Impaler, Stephen the Great, Michael the Brave, Sherban Cantacuzino have been the greatest enemies of pagans, defenders of Saint Cross”.

(M. Kogălniceanu, an excerpt from the inaugural speech on November 24, 1843
in the opening of National History classes

at the Academia Mihaileana)

In fighting enemies of orthodoxy, Romanian prices-patriot has shown great courage and strength what is a vivid characteristic of theirs and of theirs attendants. Among praiseworthy are Hînculeşti kin. Alexandru Xenopol marked about them: “This family wrote a lot of beautiful memorial pages, numerous as the stars in the sky, in the our people Chronicle of sufferings.”

One of the most distinguished members of this noble family was Mihalcea Hîncu. „first of the brave Bessarabians”, he were remarkable in the revolt against the despot Gheorghe Duca and laid the foundation of a monastery, carrying his name today.

So, with the our Lord benediction, in a peaceful and picturesque place, the second half of XVII century established the (Hîncu nunnery) Monastery of Saint Parascheva, she is considered the Patron Saint and Protector of Moldavia. The December 9th, 1678 in an historic act is signed the outset of monastery.

There are many legends in Lapusna-land on Monastery origins. The archive data show the hardships to which were exposed the community of monastics along history. Even more questions generated today.

Along centuries, with a lot of endure, the Monastery survived and reopened in 1992 for divine service. Nowadays the monastery holds prayers and services in recognition of the heritage of the founders. Under the leadership Bishop Petru (Musteaţă) and Igumeni Parascheva (Cazacu) the monastery is opened for Christians and those who find consolation in this place blessed by God.

With the blessings of His Grace, Petru, Bishop of Hâncu is to open the official site of Hâncu Monastery with the data found in archives narrating about rich history of this monastery and the news&events occuring in the monastic community.

We invite you to visit our sacred monastery for to glorify the Lord altogether.

www.eph.md

Gavril Bănulescu-Bodoni (1746 – March 30, 1821) Biography

Gavril Bănulescu-Bodoni (1746 – March 30, 1821) was a Romanian clergyman who served as Metropolitan of Moldavia (1792), Metropolitan of Kherson and Crimea (1793–1799), Metropolitan of Kiev and Halych (1799–1803), Exarch of Moldo-Wallachia (1806–1812), and Metropolitan of Chişinău (1812–1821), being the first head of the church in Bessarabia after the Russian annexation.

Early life

Born in Bistriţa, Transylvania to a family originating from Câmpulung, Bukovina, Bănulescu studied at the Kiev Theological Academy (1771–1773), then at the Greek-language academy in the Island of Patmos, Smyrna and Vatopedi (1773-1786).[1][2][3] At Patmos, he befriended Nikephoros Theotokes, a Greek cleric and enlightenment figure, with whom he taught at the Iaşi Academy in 1776.[2]

In 1779 he became a monk in Constantinople, then continued his studies in Patmos, returning to Moldavia in 1781 to be a preacher at the Metropolitan cathedral. Then, between 1782-1784, he taught philosophy and Greek language in Poltava, then in the Russian Empire.[4][3]

Clergyman in Moldavia

In 1784, Bănulescu-Bodoni returned to Iaşi to serve under Metropolitan Gavriil Callimachi, then moved to the diocese of Huşi.[2] In 1874 he was nominated to become a bishop of Roman, but the phanariote ruler declined his nomination.[3] After the second Russo-Turkish War began, he fled to Ukraine, together with the phanariot ruler of Moldavia, Alexandru Mavrocordat Firaris.[2] In Imperial Russia, he became the rector of the Poltava Seminary.[3]

In 1789, as Russians occupied the Danubian Principalities, Catherine II of Russia and the Holy Synod appointed Archbishop Amvrosii Serebrennikov of Ekaterinoslav to be the locum tenens Exarch of Moldo-Wallachia, naming in 1791 Bănulescu-Bodoni bishop of Cetatea Albă. The Treaty of Iaşi ended the military occupation of Wallachia and Moldavia, but prior to the Russian retreat, in February 1792, Amvrosii appointed Bănulescu-Bodoni the Metropolitan of Moldavia.[5]

Patriarch Neophytus VII saw the appointment a challenge to the authority of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and requested to the new Phanariot hospodar, Alexander Mourousis to demand Bănulescu-Bodoni's departure. Bănulescu-Bodoni refused to leave without a Russian imperial decree. The patriarch convened with local bishops to declare his seat vacant and to select a new Metropolitan.[5]

Neophytus VII also obtained an order from the Sultan to arrest Bănulescu-Bodoni, who was taken to Constantinople in June 1792. The Patriarch tried to give him a bishop seat in Greece, but Bănulescu-Bodoni refused to give up his Russian citizenship. He was freed after the intervention of Viktor Pavlovich Kochubei, the Russian ambassador to the Ottoman Empire.[5]

Clergyman in Imperial Russia

Bănulescu-Bodoni returned to Russia to become Metropolitan of Kherson and Crimea (1793-1799), then Metropolitan of Kiev and Halich (1799-1803) and in 1801, a member of the Holy Synod of Petrograd.[6]

Falling ill, Bănulescu settled to Odessa and Dubăsari, where he stayed until 1806, when he following the Russo-Turk War, the Russian Army occupied again the Principalities and he was once again named Exarch of Moldo-Wallachia. The Russian annexation of Bessarabia was acknowledged by the Ottoman Empire in the Treaty of Bucharest and Bănulescu was named in charge with organizing the archdiocese of Bessarabia.[6]

His proposal of the creation of a new eparchy was approved by Tsar Alexander I of Russia, whose ukaz of August 21, 1813 created a new "Archbishopry of Chişinău and Hotin", which included Bessarabia and the Kherson gubernya, including the cities of Odessa, Tiraspol, Ananiev and Elisabetgrad. The tsar allowed the eparchy to organize itself according to "local customs".[7]

The local boyars, lead by Bănulescu-Bodoni, petitioned for self-rule and the establishment of a civil government based on the Moldavian traditional laws. In 1818, a special autonomous region was created, which had both Moldovan and Russian as languages used in the local administration.[8]

In 1813, Bănulescu-Bodoni founded a Romanian-language seminary[9] and in 1814, a printing press. He also oversaw the building of the Chişinău Metropolitan Church (1817) and of the Soborul Cathedral. A Romanian translation of the New Testament was published in 1817 and the whole Bible in 1819 in Petrograd.[10]

Bănulescu died in 1821, and was buried at the Căpriana Monastery.[11]

Notes
^ Nistor, p.169
^ a b c d Batalden, p. 470
^ a b c d Păcurariu
^ Nistor, p.226–227
^ a b c Batalden, p. 471
^ a b Nistor, p.227
^ Nistor, p.227-228
^ King, p.21-22
^ Nistor, p.228
^ Nistor, p.230
^ Nistor, p.230-231

References
Ion Nistor, Istoria Basarabiei, Humanitas, 1991. ISBN 973-28-0283-9
Charles King, The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture, 2000, Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 0-8179-9791-1
Stephen K. Batalden, "Metropolitan Gavriil (Banulesko-Bodoni) and Greek-Russian Conflict over Dedicated Monastic Estates, 1787-1812", Church History, Vol. 52, No. 4. (Dec., 1983), pp. 468-478.
Mircea Păcurariu, "Gavriil Bănulescu", entry in Dicţionarul Teologilor Români, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucharest, 1996 ISBN 9739739148

Religious books in Bessarabia 1812 – 1918 (between tradition and tsarists politics)

Summary

Paper Religious books in Bessarabia 1812 – 1918 (between tradition and tsarists politics), is dedicated to an actual, but not sufficiently studied theme. The historical explanation was directed to delimitate some significant moments of historical, political, confessional and cultural background that marked the religious book in Bessarabia – it persisted under the sign of struggle: between the tradition and tsarist’s politics. hrough this historical perspective, religious book reflects the specific of spiritual development of Bessarabia as part of Russian Empire, comparing it with other Romanian provinces under foreign domination. Paper consists of Introduction, three chapters divided in ten paragraphs, Conclusion, eighteen annexes and general bibliographical index. The main sources of research are novel documents from State Archive collections of Republic of Moldova (Chişinău) and Ukraine (Odessa).

The establishment of local typography (founded by exarch Gavriil), is viewed as a direct result of political, religious and ecclesiastic changes that occurred after the 1812, and had to serve the spiritual necessities of province according to its own “manners and customs”, while the Synodal Ukaz from 1814, May, 4th (which approved the establishment of typography) especially notified about canonical violation of “manners and customs” in annexed province. The political proselytism was obvious: in new-founded typography, religious books had to be translated into Romanian exclusively after the Russian synodal editions.

Thus, the most stabile social institution - the Church – ought to satisfy the ambitions of some aggressive proselytic practices subordinated to tsarist’s politics. Here was the main danger of assimilation and rusification of bessarabian Romanians: the Russian proselytism was hidden under the mask of religious identity. Historical, philological and linguistic considerations guided us to a conclusion that exarch Gavriil didn’t exactly respect the requirements of Synod from Petersburg and tried to make a compromise between the traditions and the tsarist politics: contents of Liturgier(1815), Molebnic(1816, 1816), Catihisis(1816),Ceasoslov(1817), Psaltire(1817) were mostly translations from Romanian editions, with small additions from the structure of Synodal editions.

Linguistical evidences testify the Moldavian, Transylvanian and Wallachian origins of liturgical texts included in printed works from this period. Metropolitan Bishop Gavriil Banulescu- Bodoni continued this tradition, but the activity of Archbishop Dimitrie Sulima should be reconsidered in this sense: books printed under his cure signify nothing but the interruption of tradition of religious printings. Under the cure of Bishop Pavel Lebedev (1871-1882) the printing of Romanian books was stopped and the Confessional Typography was closed (1883). But the tradition of “moldovenism” in church was very strong, so the bessarabian clergy claimed their right to reopen the typography at the beginning of XXth century.

Through the XIXth century proselytism practices were more subtle and varied: being defeated in struggle with local church traditions in religious book-prints, they tried another way: the substitution of Romanian language from old liturgical books with a local “Moldavian dialect”.The empire’s traditions in printings and book spreading were always upheld by the system of censorship institutions. All books printed in Chişinău can be divided in 2 categories: first category includes “reproductions” mixed with synodal editions which were under the chiriarch supervision; second category includes “new translations and compositions” which were obligatory approved by synodal censorship, what was notified in the contents of these books.

Although the system of restrictive interdictions was sufficiently drastic, the printed books from diverse zones of Romanian printing – Iaşi, Bucureşti, Râmnic, Buda, Buzău, etc penetrated in Bessarabia during the XIXth century, in commanding number, but never sufficient to cover the necessities of local churches. Imperial politics in field of book spreading and printing aimed at restructuration of book funds composition in parochial library by gradually completion with Russian books. The richest collections of Romanian books in XIXth century Bessarabia were that of monastery library. In this aspect, the book collection of Hârjauca monastery is representative: Romanian books of library were gradually reduced by foreign (Russian) books: to the end of XIXth century Romanian books constituted only 3,1 % comparing to Russian ones. Important collections of Romanian books are identified in library of Church’s Historical-Archeological Society from Bessarabia (1904): 240 (296 titles) volumes (XVII-XIX c.) and 18 manuscripts (XIV-XIX c.).

Our final conclusion is that the religious books printed in Bessarabia in the period of Russian domination (1812-1918), persisted under the sign of permanent struggle: between tradition and tsarist’s politic. In spite of restrictions imposed by the synodal censorship, religious books printed in Confessional Typography of Bessarabia continued the traditions of Romanian Church.

Confessional Typography of Bessarabia was the only cultural (ecclesiastic) institution legalized by the imperial administration of province (1814 - 1918) that continued its mission through printings in Romanian language, and thus contributed to spreading of religious books in all Bessarabia and to consolidation of linguistic unity of Romanian language

CHAPTER XXX THE PRESENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CONDITION OF BESSARABIA

We have seen that Bessarabia is an almost purely agricultural region, with only a rudimentary industrial and commercial development; that when the Roumanians took it over from the Russians, they found it almost without means of communication, and with an uneducated and backward peasantry. Since then, they have had to struggle with several years of drought, particularly acute in 1924 and 1925, and with a complete dislocation of Bessarabia's ordinary markets; it was hoped that Poland would take the place of Russia as chief buyer of Bessarabian fruits and wines, but Poland (until recently) clapped high duties on them, as reprisal for the Roumanian high duty on Polish coal. Smuggling is of course a great evil; two million smuggled cigarettes and over seven tons of tobacco were seized in the first half of 1926. Money has been scarce and very dear, as everywhere in central and eastern Europe, and more so than in any other province of Roumania; it is calculated that while about 100,000,000 rubles were on loan in 1914-$50,000,000-today loans amount to only about a billion and a half of lei ($8,000,000) ; the rate of expropriation of the great estates was lower, under 700 lei a hectare, whereas the average in the Old Kingdom was 2000 lei; and during the period of exchange of rubles for lei (at a very favorable rate, as with crowns in Transylvania), the peasants had little confidence in the new regime, and at least a billion rubles is believed to have been kept back, and thus completely lost. The government's, export duties on grain, now happily greatly reduced, interfered with the sale of what little wheat was available. Taxes, rents and prices of prime necessities kept going up; the government finally had to postpone collection of the burdensome commercial taxes, as the merchants found collections very bad. Add to this the progressive depreciation of the currency, the constant Soviet interference, the exactions of speculators lending to the peasants on their crops, and the intensity and bitterness of local politics, and the wonder is that Bessarabia has remained so loyal; there was not a single Roumanian among those found guilty in the Tatar-Bunar trial. The 1925 statistics showed a falling off in the planting of winter grain-561,967 hectares, as compared with 650,432 in the autumn of 1925; 471,923 hectares were in wheat, 78,749 in rye, 9828 in barley, and 2825 in rape-seed; but the winter of 1925-6 was excellent, with abundant snow; the spring planting of corn and wheat brought an abundant harvest, unfortunately partly ruined by a very rainy autumn (see p. 11).

I have failed to mention a feature of the Bessarabian situation which may seem insignificant, but which recently roused more feeling, perhaps, than any other act of the Roumanian government; I refer to the attempt to do away with the Old Style calendar. The Orthodox Church held to the Julian Calendar until the war; and observation of what is now going on in Bessarabia will help the student to visualize the struggles of 175, years ago in England and the American Colonies, when the Gregorian Calendar was being introduced with us. In Roumania itself, and in Soviet (and irreligious) Russia, the Gregorian Calendar is now in effect;a but the Orthodox Bessarabian peasant has no sympathy with such newfangled notions, and is shocked at the idea of changing the date of Easter and other church feasts. Devout religious observance is still a general Bessarabian characteristic. A recent Roumanian Finance Minister told me this anecdote. He had brought in a bill laying a uniform inheritance tax through the kingdom; a group of eight Bessarabian Senators at once called on him, to protest. Such an iniquitous tag had never been laid by Russia, they said; and one of them, in his excitement, called down the curses of the widows and orphans of Bessarabia upon the unhappy Minister. He explained to them that the tag is practically universal, was already being levied along four different lines in various parts of Roumania, and seemed low to the Transylvanians, who had had to pay a higher tag under the Hungarians; and that it fell very lightly on close relatives. The Senators were finally won over, and. penitently informed the Minister that they would go to church after the session and each light a candle, to counteract the curse they had invoked against him!
aIt was adopted by the Ukraine in December 1926.
At the meeting of the Orthodox Church Synod in Bucharest in December 1925, Archbishop Gurie, head of the Bessarabian clergy, outlined the efforts made, through pastoral letters, addresses by the priests to their congregations, canonical epistles, sermons, etc., to induce the faithful to adopt the New Style-efforts almost wholly without result. The Synod voted to have the reformed calendar applied to Bessarabia; but in an address to the Ministry of Public Instruction, asking that they call upon all school authorities in Bessarabia to help enlighten the people on the subject, the Synod notes' that this matter "has taken the aspect of a politico-social question, in consequence of the intromission and propaganda of various agencies hostile to the unity of the Roumanian people, or of unscrupulous politicians." It is no secret that the former Russian Archbishop of Bessarabia, Anastasius, is conducting this campaign from his headquarters in Jerusalem, with the aid of various anti-Roumanian elements.
On Feb. 4, 1926, at the meeting of the National Church Congress, a memorial was read in the name of the delegates of the archbishopric of Kishineff, the bishopric of Ismail and that of Baltz, recalling their request to have a gradual introduction of the new calendar, in view of the strong conservative feeling of the members of the Bessarabian Orthodox Church-a request the Synod did not see fit to grant. The news of the approaching change in the date of Easter, they continue, has been such a serious blow that they beg that for one more year the old system continue. In fact, the matter went still further. It was established that certain priests encouraged their parishioners to continue observing Old Style; and in April 1926, before the fall of the Liberals, several of these priests were arrested and brought before the military courts. Judging by the experience of our ancestors-it took Scotland 50 years to follow England's example in adopting New Style-this will be a live question in Bessarabia for some time to come. The new Averescu Ministry, in April 1926, allowed everyone to celebrate Easter as he pleased, Old Style or New Style, pending an Ecumenical Council, to be held later in the year; the chief beneficiaries were the school-children, who had two sets of Easter holidays. Orders were again issued (in October 1926) for a uniform observance of New Style in Bessarabia in 1927.

Another unexpected difficulty the Roumanians had in the Bessarabian cities arose from their effort to introduce a new law providing rest-hours for employees, uniform all over the kingdom. This provided that stores should open at 8, and close from 12 to 1. A storm of protest burst forth all over Bessarabia. In Russia, they keep late hours, like the Spaniards; it is not customary for stores to open before 9 in Kishineff, and the best shopping hours are from 12 to 3, the dinner hour coming from 3: 30 to 5; then the stores are open again in the evening.
The Bessarabian Church has had other troubles since the Union. The Church still possessed valuable properties in Bessarabia; and in fear of possible secularization, it transferred these' properties to a private corporation, the Union of the Orthodox Clergy of Bessarabia. But the new Roumanian Constitution grants the Church complete autonomy; and under pressure from the government, the Church has finally resumed ownership and responsibility, after a controversy which lasted several years.
The Church, like any other land-owner, had had its excess holdings expropriated. The Agrarian Law passed by the Provincial Diet aimed at giving every family a minimum of 6 hectares (15 acres) ; but the average worked out much less. According to the recent brochure of Dr. Agricola Cardash, Director General in the Ministry of Agriculture, "Aspects of the Bessarabian Agrarian Reform" (1926), some 4480 estates were expropriated, with an area of 1,844,539 hectares; of this, 1,098,045 hectares have been taken up by 357,016 farmers, living in 1739 villages. The average is therefore 3 hectares (71/2 acres). At the end of 1926, the total area is announced as 1,; 491,020 hectares; the average still remains low. That is considered too small, and of course has been pitifully inadequate during the drought conditions of the past few years; there has been much emigration, especially to Brazil; but the industrialization of the country, which will now soon take place, will provide a remedy. Roumania stands where Italy was forty or fifty years ago, on the verge of an intense industrial development; she has an abundance of raw materials and willing and faithful labor; now that she has regulated her American debt, she may expect foreign aid. Bessarabia will profit with the other provinces.
It is a pleasure to turn from this rather gloomy picture of economic and financial conditions, to the enormous improvement in the schools since the annexation. We have seen how widespread was illiteracy under the Imperial Russian regime, especially among the Roumanians, for whom, when the war broke out, there was not a single school in Bessarabia, although they formed the majority of the population. The teachers in the Bessarabian schools, mainly Russians, were supposed to have had a four-year normal school course; many, however, were graduates of the intermediate schools (between primary and lycee), who had taken pedagogical courses for two or three years. When the Roumanians took over the province, many of these teachers went back to their homes in Russia; but the Roumanians, who were short of teachers even in the Old Kingdom and Transylvania, at once employed all that were available, assigning them the salary due them according to service, just as in Roumania. They even took in teachers without full preparation, from church, village and private schools, nor did they insist on their taking the oath; many did not know Roumanian; and it was years before they were required to pass an examination in elementary Roumanian, just as in Transylvania. The first school census, of 1920-21, showed a total of 1747 schools, of which 1233 were Roumanian, 200 Ukrainian, 120 Russian, 78 Bulgarian, 73 German, 38 Jewish, 3 Polish; of the 2746 teachers, 854 belonged to the minority races. The number of children between 7 and 13 was 398,695, of whom 136,172 (34.2%) were in school. By 1923.24, the number of schools had increased to 2041, with 3927 teachers; and 203,627 children, out of a total of 441,958 (46%) were in school. The Roumanians show the same easy-going tolerance of minority languages in Bessarabia (see Russian testimony on p. 219 that has surprised me so many times in Transylvania, where there are actually today more Hungarian public schools, under the Roumanians, than there were when the country was under the Crown of St. Stephen. Indeed, on Nov. 12, 1926, the City Council of Satu Mare (Szatmar) voted to return to Hungarian for its deliberations I In 1925, I bought in a Kishineff bookstore copies of a Russian geography and a Russian reader in use in the Russian schools maintained by the Roumanians ; and I find in the Bucharest newspapers of 1926 repeated complaints that Russian is still used in church services in Bessarabia, even in Kishineff itself.
In Larga, e. g., a town of 5000 Roumanians near Lipcani (Hotin), formal complaint was made in August 1926 that the local priest still uses only Russian, though his flock do not understand it; and the special correspondent of the Bucharest Universul, in that same month, notes that at Tighina (Bender) neither his station porter nor the coachman nor a policeman of whom he asked his way, spoke Roumanian. Every traveler in Transylvania notices the same patience; indeed, the opposition charges that over 3000 Roumanian government employees iii Transylvania (former Hungarians) not merely do not yet understand Roumanian, but have not even taken the oath of allegiance. Russian telegrams are accepted for transmission, if written in Latin letters; and in February 1926, it was officially decided by the Roumanian Court of Appeals that commercial documents in Russian were perfectly legal. Of the other nationalities, the Germans and the Bulgarians are especially loyal to the new regime.
Side by side with the schools are functioning other educational agencies. Everywhere one finds "cultural clubs"; in the village of Volontirovca, I was shown the local headquarters, with its little library and museum; and in the larger towns more pretentious organizations-Free Universities or Popular Universities (i. e., University Extension), "Case Culturale" (Culture Clubs), and the like. In Soroca, e. g., the "Popular Atheneum" gives a musical or educational program every Sunday, and a public library has been opened,, as in numerous other towns. A similar "Atheneum" and library are in operation in Orhei. Much aid is extended by the educational societies of the other provinces, and the government encourages excursions of professors and students from the Old Kingdom and Transylvania into Bessarabia. In April 1926, e. g., representatives of the student organization of Bucharest, "Curentul Studentzesc la Sate" (Student Movement in the Villages), under Prof. Shtefanescu of the University of Cluj (Klausenburg), visited the town of Comrat, a center with 17,000 people, largely Bulgarian, about 50 miles from Kishineff, and were entertained by the local students; some years ago, this organization had established two public libraries in Comrat; up to date it has established in Roumania 724 such libraries, with 146,745 volumes. It is affecting to see the devotion and enthusiasm with which such work is being carried on in Bessarabia-work that makes one hope that the Cultural Loan Roumania has been trying to get from the League of Nations, may be granted; and if, in the midst of economic and financial distress and political disgust, Bessarabia is nevertheless loyal to Roumania, the reason is to be found primarily in the delight of the Bessarabian peasant at these new educational facilities for himself and his children.
Perhaps nothing can illustrate the change in Bessarabia more strikingly than the will of Basil (Vasile) Stroescu, the Moldavian patriot, President of the Bessarabian Diet, who died in the spring of 1926. This will, a holographic document in Russian, with the signatures of two Russian witnesses, was dated in Paris in March 1918. It begins: " In the name of the Father, the Son and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. I, the noble, Vasile Vasilievitch Stroescu, of the Province of Bessarabia, born, etc., being of sound mind and memory unimpaired, have thought best to make the following disposal, etc. " He then enumerates his various properties, in Trinca, Badragi, Zabriceni, Drutza, Stangaceni and still others, in the counties of Hotin and Baltz, with a total area of about 8000 hectares (20,000 acres)-all now expropriated, of course, except for a few hundred acres. Then comes the list of his bank accounts, the chief being some 850,000 French francs in a Paris bank, and 150,000 rubles in Odessa-the latter, of course, completely blotted out, and the former only a shadow of its earlier value. All this property Stroescu left to the Provincial Zemstvo of Bessarabia (now non-existent) for the establishment of village schools with obligatory instruction in Roumanian (now provided by the state). In case the Zemstvo could not do this, all his property was to go to the Roumanian State; I have mentioned his earlier generosity to this cause of Roumanian schools in Transylvania. Furthermore, either the Zemstvo or the Roumanian State was to pay certain annuities from these funds to his sister and certain dependents; and the executor, Ioan G. Pelivan, was to provide from the Russian funds for two churches, in the villages of Trinca and Zabriceni.
Such a document, only ten years old, bridges an abyss. It breathes the comfortable old Russian patriarchal atmosphere, of a land-holding aristocracy, of higher rights and privileges than the rest of mankind. Its execution falls within a period of militant equalization, as radical and almost as uncomfortable as the French Revolution. Nature chose to make this period particularly hard for Bessarabia; nor has man's perversity and incompetency failed to complicate matters. As is remarked by the veteran observer Stephen Graham (p. 175), in 1924: "It may frankly be said that England herself could not govern a place like Bessarabia." Yet Stroescu lived to see triumphant the principle for which he had fought all his life-schools for the people, in Bessarabia and Transylvania, in their own language-and that is Bessarabia's chief hope for the future.
The End